Chile’s much-maligned center-left looms large over the current government. Developments suggest former president Michelle Bachelet is pulling some strings. Meanwhile, the right is getting the jitters at the prospect of a return of one of its most powerful enemies.
Former president Michelle Bachelet seems to come closer to Chilean politics by the day. Shortly before her term as UN High Commissioner for Human Rights ends, she sent signals which excited the rudderless center-left and the governing coalition.
The opposition is wary too, knowing Bachelet is a formidable rival. Respected by a significant part of the population, especially women, Bachelet could unite the former Concertación/Nueva Mayoría coalition and in passing boost President Gabriel Boric, who has faced lots of difficulties in his term starting Mar. 11.
Boric found reliable allies in the old center-left elite, even though he went as far as saying Bachelet and former president Ricardo Lagos, both from the Socialist Party, contributed to maintaining the status quo imposed by the right for 30 years. Boric saw the social outbreak of 2019 through this lens.
Reconciliation
But despite Boric’s bitter criticism of the center-left conglomerates, starting in his days as student leader, both Lagos and Bachelet supported him in the runoff – though differently, but support they provided.
Lagos, who received most criticism from Boric and the left-wing Frente Amplio coalition, was the first center-left politician to endorse Boric, who could not have asked for more. Bachelet, on the other hand, went even further. Apart from her endorsement, she made her most trusted group available to Boric’s campaign. She came to Chile to vote, although she could have done so comfortably in the US, and met with Boric days before the election.
“It matters which candidate you vote for, that’s why I’m going to vote for Gabriel Boric,” she said, shrugging off any criticism. Undoubtedly, this gesture convinced some reluctant voters of her former Nueva Mayoría coalition who didn’t like Boric and, of course, it motivated her core backers.
🗣️ Michelle Bachelet is said to have fallen in "a propaganda trap" by the Chinese government when visiting Xinjiang, where China detains and tortures over a million Uyghurs. According to Bachelet, her visit was not an investigation. pic.twitter.com/BMp5ZPfjej
— Chile Today News (@ChileTodayNews) May 31, 2022
Continued Influence
Even after the election, Bachelet supported Boric and made her team and her foundation available, making it clear that the center-left will work with the government. During the austral summer, five Bachelet allies entered Boric’s circle and were appointed ministers, despite criticism by Frente Amplio and Communist Party leaders.
Recently, Bachelet took a position in the constitutional plebiscite, a monumental process that will define the country – and the government – independently of the result. Supporting the apruebo (approve) option, local media reported her as saying, “I hope it is approved, I think it should be approved … It is offering a new social contract based on a nice national legal process.”
Bachelet’s influence consolidated when an ally assumed a high-level position in the Interior Ministry, headed by Izkia Siches, who is undoubtedly the weakest link in the cabinet. The arrival of the ally is a sign of Bachelet’s interest in returning to contingent politics, supporting Boric or at least influencing the agenda.
Moreover, her former, highly influential chief adviser, María del Carmen Domínguez, also advised Boric and has now become the head of the Diplomatic Academy, leaving a post in Geneva.
Left-left Fusion
The Boric-Bachelet alliance is plain to see. Boric enjoys more advantage right now. He received support when he needed it most, as his administration took off more turbulently than expected. But overall, both Boric and Bachelet win.
Bachelet finishes her term in August, so she could prepare a more formal role for her former coalition in the current government.
But crucially, the alliance could turn out fundamental in the second phase of the constitutional process, even if the text is rejected. The right is desperate to convince the population it is suddenly open to constitutional changes, while it vehemently opposed changes Bachelet proposed when she was president. Her proposal could now be sold as an alternative to the text the Constitutional Convention drafted.
Bachelet knows she has political capital and can support Boric. Both are charismatic, believable and connect well with people. She has years-long experience, which would combine well with an impetuous youngster who came to power with more desire than political skill.
They empower and need each other, because Boric cannot continue to do everything himself.
Germán Silva Cuadra is an expert in corporate communications and a regular commentator on Chilean politics. His latest book is ‘No te reconozco Chile. Cómo entender al país que noqueó a la elite.’ Germán tweets under @gsilvacuadra.